HirePro Reading Comprehensions Quiz-1

Question 1

Time: 00:00:00

Read the passage given below and answer the questions that follow:

There are good reasons why the ‘Heart of Asia’ conference, part of a 14-nation process begun in 2011 to facilitate the development and security of Afghanistan, is so named. The obvious one is geographical, as Afghanistan lies at the junction of Central, South and East Asia, and also of the ancient trading routes from China and India to Europe. Today it is also a focal point for the region’s biggest challenge of terrorism; some of the far-reaching battles against al-Qaeda, Islamic State, etc. will be decided on the battlegrounds of Afghanistan. For India, putting terror centre stage at the Heart of Asia declaration in Amritsar was thus timely and necessary. In tandem, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and Prime Minister Narendra Modi focussed their concerns on cross-border terrorism emanating from Pakistan, something even Pakistan’s traditional allies at the conference, including China, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Turkey, found difficult to counter. The case Mr. Ghani made was clear: progress and development in Afghanistan are meaningless and unsustainable without peace, and peace is contingent on Pakistan ending support to terror groups such the Haqqani network and Lashkar-e-Taiba. He dared Pakistan to use its proposed development grant to Afghanistan to fight terror on its own soil.

However, if every window for engagement with Pakistan is closed for India and Afghanistan, the two countries must closely consider what their next step will be. A lack of engagement may, in the short term, yield some pressure on Pakistan’s leadership to act, as it did briefly after the Pathankot attack. But in the long run it may deplete the two countries of their limited leverage as Pakistan’s neighbours. It may, for all the affirmations of mutual ties, also succeed in driving more obstacles to trade between India and Afghanistan. In the past year, the cornering of Pakistan by its South Asian neighbours has only yielded deeper ties for Islamabad with Beijing and Moscow, pushed Kabul closer to Central Asia, and moved New Delhi towards multilateral groupings to the east and south. As a result, the measures India and Afghanistan have envisaged in order to avoid Pakistan, such as land trade from the Chabahar port and a dedicated air corridor between Delhi and Kabul, may prove to be insufficient by the time they are put in place, even as Afghanistan is connected more closely via a rail line from China’s Yiwu and Tehran. The Heart of Asia process thus remains critical to forging cooperation to realise Afghanistan’s potential to be a vibrant Asian “hub”.

Q1. What according to the author was the initial agenda for the ‘Heart of Asia’ conference?

To strategically invade the intruders of peace and to rage war against terrorism

To make Afghanistan from the Asian ‘Hub’ to the trading central between East Asia and Europe

To bring out Afghanistan’s potential as Asian ‘Hub’ and to facilitate development and security in Afghanistan.

To plan the strategy of utilizing it’s potential as the focal point of terrorism and attack Pakistan

All of the above were included in the agenda of the ‘Heart of Asia’ conference

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Question 2

Time: 00:00:00

There are good reasons why the ‘Heart of Asia’ conference, part of a 14-nation process begun in 2011 to facilitate the development and security of Afghanistan, is so named. The obvious one is geographical, as Afghanistan lies at the junction of Central, South and East Asia, and also of the ancient trading routes from China and India to Europe. Today it is also a focal point for the region’s biggest challenge of terrorism; some of the far-reaching battles against al-Qaeda, Islamic State, etc. will be decided on the battlegrounds of Afghanistan. For India, putting terror centre stage at the Heart of Asia declaration in Amritsar was thus timely and necessary. In tandem, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and Prime Minister Narendra Modi focussed their concerns on cross-border terrorism emanating from Pakistan, something even Pakistan’s traditional allies at the conference, including China, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Turkey, found difficult to counter. The case Mr. Ghani made was clear: progress and development in Afghanistan are meaningless and unsustainable without peace, and peace is contingent on Pakistan ending support to terror groups such the Haqqani network and Lashkar-e-Taiba. He dared Pakistan to use its proposed development grant to Afghanistan to fight terror on its own soil.

However, if every window for engagement with Pakistan is closed for India and Afghanistan, the two countries must closely consider what their next step will be. A lack of engagement may, in the short term, yield some pressure on Pakistan’s leadership to act, as it did briefly after the Pathankot attack. But in the long run it may deplete the two countries of their limited leverage as Pakistan’s neighbours. It may, for all the affirmations of mutual ties, also succeed in driving more obstacles to trade between India and Afghanistan. In the past year, the cornering of Pakistan by its South Asian neighbours has only yielded deeper ties for Islamabad with Beijing and Moscow, pushed Kabul closer to Central Asia, and moved New Delhi towards multilateral groupings to the east and south. As a result, the measures India and Afghanistan have envisaged in order to avoid Pakistan, such as land trade from the Chabahar port and a dedicated air corridor between Delhi and Kabul, may prove to be insufficient by the time they are put in place, even as Afghanistan is connected more closely via a rail line from China’s Yiwu and Tehran. The Heart of Asia process thus remains critical to forging cooperation to realise Afghanistan’s potential to be a vibrant Asian “hub”.
Which among the following statements is not true according to the passage?

Lack of engagement , in the short term, yield some pressure on Pakistan’s leadership to act on the current scenario of cross-border terrorism.

Pakistan ending support to terror group such as the Haqqani network and Lashkar-e-Taiba will not be of much influence in the situation of cross-border terrorism.

Afghanistan is the focal point for the region’s biggest challenge of terrorism.

Cornering of Pakistan by its South Asian neighbours has only yielded deeper ties for Islamabad with Beijing and Moscow.

India and Afghanistan are planning for better interconnectivity such as land trade from the Chabahar port and a dedicated air corridor between Delhi and Kabul.

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Question 3

Time: 00:00:00

There are good reasons why the ‘Heart of Asia’ conference, part of a 14-nation process begun in 2011 to facilitate the development and security of Afghanistan, is so named. The obvious one is geographical, as Afghanistan lies at the junction of Central, South and East Asia, and also of the ancient trading routes from China and India to Europe. Today it is also a focal point for the region’s biggest challenge of terrorism; some of the far-reaching battles against al-Qaeda, Islamic State, etc. will be decided on the battlegrounds of Afghanistan. For India, putting terror centre stage at the Heart of Asia declaration in Amritsar was thus timely and necessary. In tandem, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and Prime Minister Narendra Modi focussed their concerns on cross-border terrorism emanating from Pakistan, something even Pakistan’s traditional allies at the conference, including China, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Turkey, found difficult to counter. The case Mr. Ghani made was clear: progress and development in Afghanistan are meaningless and unsustainable without peace, and peace is contingent on Pakistan ending support to terror groups such the Haqqani network and Lashkar-e-Taiba. He dared Pakistan to use its proposed development grant to Afghanistan to fight terror on its own soil.

However, if every window for engagement with Pakistan is closed for India and Afghanistan, the two countries must closely consider what their next step will be. A lack of engagement may, in the short term, yield some pressure on Pakistan’s leadership to act, as it did briefly after the Pathankot attack. But in the long run it may deplete the two countries of their limited leverage as Pakistan’s neighbours. It may, for all the affirmations of mutual ties, also succeed in driving more obstacles to trade between India and Afghanistan. In the past year, the cornering of Pakistan by its South Asian neighbours has only yielded deeper ties for Islamabad with Beijing and Moscow, pushed Kabul closer to Central Asia, and moved New Delhi towards multilateral groupings to the east and south. As a result, the measures India and Afghanistan have envisaged in order to avoid Pakistan, such as land trade from the Chabahar port and a dedicated air corridor between Delhi and Kabul, may prove to be insufficient by the time they are put in place, even as Afghanistan is connected more closely via a rail line from China’s Yiwu and Tehran. The Heart of Asia process thus remains critical to forging cooperation to realise Afghanistan’s potential to be a vibrant Asian “hub”.
Which of the following words is OPPOSITE in the meaning of the word ‘affirmations’ as used in the passage?

Proclaim

Declaration

Assertion

Denial

Enemy

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Question 4

Time: 00:00:00

There are good reasons why the ‘Heart of Asia’ conference, part of a 14-nation process begun in 2011 to facilitate the development and security of Afghanistan, is so named. The obvious one is geographical, as Afghanistan lies at the junction of Central, South and East Asia, and also of the ancient trading routes from China and India to Europe. Today it is also a focal point for the region’s biggest challenge of terrorism; some of the far-reaching battles against al-Qaeda, Islamic State, etc. will be decided on the battlegrounds of Afghanistan. For India, putting terror centre stage at the Heart of Asia declaration in Amritsar was thus timely and necessary. In tandem, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and Prime Minister Narendra Modi focussed their concerns on cross-border terrorism emanating from Pakistan, something even Pakistan’s traditional allies at the conference, including China, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Turkey, found difficult to counter. The case Mr. Ghani made was clear: progress and development in Afghanistan are meaningless and unsustainable without peace, and peace is contingent on Pakistan ending support to terror groups such the Haqqani network and Lashkar-e-Taiba. He dared Pakistan to use its proposed development grant to Afghanistan to fight terror on its own soil.

However, if every window for engagement with Pakistan is closed for India and Afghanistan, the two countries must closely consider what their next step will be. A lack of engagement may, in the short term, yield some pressure on Pakistan’s leadership to act, as it did briefly after the Pathankot attack. But in the long run it may deplete the two countries of their limited leverage as Pakistan’s neighbours. It may, for all the affirmations of mutual ties, also succeed in driving more obstacles to trade between India and Afghanistan. In the past year, the cornering of Pakistan by its South Asian neighbours has only yielded deeper ties for Islamabad with Beijing and Moscow, pushed Kabul closer to Central Asia, and moved New Delhi towards multilateral groupings to the east and south. As a result, the measures India and Afghanistan have envisaged in order to avoid Pakistan, such as land trade from the Chabahar port and a dedicated air corridor between Delhi and Kabul, may prove to be insufficient by the time they are put in place, even as Afghanistan is connected more closely via a rail line from China’s Yiwu and Tehran. The Heart of Asia process thus remains critical to forging cooperation to realise Afghanistan’s potential to be a vibrant Asian “hub”.
What are the measures foreseen by India and Afghanistan to avoid their neighbouring country?

Including Russia and Europe to tackle the situation.

Forging cooperation to realise Afghanistan’s potential to be a vibrant Asian “hub”.

Starting land trade from the Chabahar port and a dedicated air corridor between Delhi and Kabul

Deepening ties of Islamabad with Beijing and Moscow and, pushing Kabul closer to Central Asia

Driving more obstacles to trade between India and Afghanistan.

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Question 5

Time: 00:00:00

There are good reasons why the ‘Heart of Asia’ conference, part of a 14-nation process begun in 2011 to facilitate the development and security of Afghanistan, is so named. The obvious one is geographical, as Afghanistan lies at the junction of Central, South and East Asia, and also of the ancient trading routes from China and India to Europe. Today it is also a focal point for the region’s biggest challenge of terrorism; some of the far-reaching battles against al-Qaeda, Islamic State, etc. will be decided on the battlegrounds of Afghanistan. For India, putting terror centre stage at the Heart of Asia declaration in Amritsar was thus timely and necessary. In tandem, Afghan President Ashraf Ghani and Prime Minister Narendra Modi focussed their concerns on cross-border terrorism emanating from Pakistan, something even Pakistan’s traditional allies at the conference, including China, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Turkey, found difficult to counter. The case Mr. Ghani made was clear: progress and development in Afghanistan are meaningless and unsustainable without peace, and peace is contingent on Pakistan ending support to terror groups such the Haqqani network and Lashkar-e-Taiba. He dared Pakistan to use its proposed development grant to Afghanistan to fight terror on its own soil.

However, if every window for engagement with Pakistan is closed for India and Afghanistan, the two countries must closely consider what their next step will be. A lack of engagement may, in the short term, yield some pressure on Pakistan’s leadership to act, as it did briefly after the Pathankot attack. But in the long run it may deplete the two countries of their limited leverage as Pakistan’s neighbours. It may, for all the affirmations of mutual ties, also succeed in driving more obstacles to trade between India and Afghanistan. In the past year, the cornering of Pakistan by its South Asian neighbours has only yielded deeper ties for Islamabad with Beijing and Moscow, pushed Kabul closer to Central Asia, and moved New Delhi towards multilateral groupings to the east and south. As a result, the measures India and Afghanistan have envisaged in order to avoid Pakistan, such as land trade from the Chabahar port and a dedicated air corridor between Delhi and Kabul, may prove to be insufficient by the time they are put in place, even as Afghanistan is connected more closely via a rail line from China’s Yiwu and Tehran. The Heart of Asia process thus remains critical to forging cooperation to realise Afghanistan’s potential to be a vibrant Asian “hub”.
According to the author, is lack of engagement with Pakistan a good option in the long run?

No, because the measures India and Afghanistan have taken may prove to be insufficient by the time they are put in place.

No, because this may lead to more trade difficulties among all countries of middle and south east Asia.

Yes, because that is the only sure shot solution to get over with terrorism.

Yes, as Pakistan is not willing to stop supporting terror groups and by secluding it with international ties, cross-border terrorism will come to a halt.

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Question 6

Time: 00:00:00

Ismat Chughtai’s celebrated masterpiece “Lihaf” needs to be analyzed under the interwoven themes of marriage, subjugation of women and the oppression and neglect of female sexuality and desire. Here, in her typical style, Chughtai raises important questions on marriage as an economic and social enterprise, the socially constructed subordinate role of women in marriage, her sexual fantasies and frustrations and her subsequent sense of loneliness.
The fact that Nawab “installed her (Begum Jan) in the house along with furniture”, highlights how the institution of marriage commodifies women and reduces them to the object of a mere business transaction. Chughtai critiques the mercenary aspect of marriage that dehumanizes women to fulfill societal obligations and aspirations of upward mobility. Begum Jan was married off to the Nawab by her family, in spite of their age difference, so as to rid themselves of the financial burden and the social taboo of having an unmarried woman in the house. Moreover, since Begum Jan’s family was poor, in her marriage to a rich and influential Nawab, they saw an opportunity to gain economic favour.The status accorded to marriage as an unbreakable social norm, an unquestionable obligation, is also dealt with in the short story. It was and has been till today one of the most important and absolutely essential tenets of the society. Even the Nawab, irrespective of his immense power and formidable position, had to marry, although the opposite sex held no appeal for him owing to his “mysterious hobby”. In the process, poor Begum became a victim to the repressive customs ingrained in the institution of marriage. While the Nawab continued his homosexual exploits, the Begum was condemned to a life of confinement and subjugation. He never displayed any interest in his wife’s life, her wishes, desires and problems and in fact, completely neglected and dismissed her presence in his life. Begum Jan was just his social stamp of approval, a heterosexual cover to escape ridicule and suspicion of society for his inborn homosexual orientation. Beyond that, the Nawab “totally forgot her presence”
In conclusion, it can be said that the redeeming feature of this story, however, lies in the fact that Chughtai does not leave Begum Jan in this state of complete desolation and immense depression, but allows her the agency to make a bold ‘choice’ of homosexuality in indulging with the maidservant Rabbu “who pulled her back from the brink”. Irrespective of whether the story in the end, endorses homosexual behaviour or not, the very fact that Begum Jan is allowed some sort of sexual autonomy in the midst of social confinement, subjugation, repression and social ridicule, leaves behind an emphatic message.

Which one of the following can be inferred from the given passage?

Under the garb of a social norm and societal obligation, marriage as an institution, often tends to oppress the participants involved.

Marriage is a sacred institution across all communities which need not be questioned.

Begum Jan belonged to a financially poor family.

None of the above

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Question 7

Time: 00:00:00

Ismat Chughtai’s celebrated masterpiece “Lihaf” needs to be analyzed under the interwoven themes of marriage, subjugation of women and the oppression and neglect of female sexuality and desire. Here, in her typical style, Chughtai raises important questions on marriage as an economic and social enterprise, the socially constructed subordinate role of women in marriage, her sexual fantasies and frustrations and her subsequent sense of loneliness.
The fact that Nawab “installed her (Begum Jan) in the house along with furniture”, highlights how the institution of marriage commodifies women and reduces them to the object of a mere business transaction. Chughtai critiques the mercenary aspect of marriage that dehumanizes women to fulfill societal obligations and aspirations of upward mobility. Begum Jan was married off to the Nawab by her family, in spite of their age difference, so as to rid themselves of the financial burden and the social taboo of having an unmarried woman in the house. Moreover, since Begum Jan’s family was poor, in her marriage to a rich and influential Nawab, they saw an opportunity to gain economic favour.The status accorded to marriage as an unbreakable social norm, an unquestionable obligation, is also dealt with in the short story. It was and has been till today one of the most important and absolutely essential tenets of the society. Even the Nawab, irrespective of his immense power and formidable position, had to marry, although the opposite sex held no appeal for him owing to his “mysterious hobby”. In the process, poor Begum became a victim to the repressive customs ingrained in the institution of marriage. While the Nawab continued his homosexual exploits, the Begum was condemned to a life of confinement and subjugation. He never displayed any interest in his wife’s life, her wishes, desires and problems and in fact, completely neglected and dismissed her presence in his life. Begum Jan was just his social stamp of approval, a heterosexual cover to escape ridicule and suspicion of society for his inborn homosexual orientation. Beyond that, the Nawab “totally forgot her presence”
In conclusion, it can be said that the redeeming feature of this story, however, lies in the fact that Chughtai does not leave Begum Jan in this state of complete desolation and immense depression, but allows her the agency to make a bold ‘choice’ of homosexuality in indulging with the maidservant Rabbu “who pulled her back from the brink”. Irrespective of whether the story in the end, endorses homosexual behaviour or not, the very fact that Begum Jan is allowed some sort of sexual autonomy in the midst of social confinement, subjugation, repression and social ridicule, leaves behind an emphatic message.

Pick out the incorrect statement from the following:

Chughtai critiques the mercenary aspect of marriage that dehumanizes women to fulfill societal obligations and dreams of upward mobility.

Begum Jan was just a social stamp of approval of Nawab, a heterosexual cover to escape ridicule.

The status accorded to marriage as an unbreakable social norm and an unquestionable obligation is discussed in the short story by Chughtai .

Begum Jan was very dear to the Nawab.

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Question 8

Time: 00:00:00

Ismat Chughtai’s celebrated masterpiece “Lihaf” needs to be analyzed under the interwoven themes of marriage, subjugation of women and the oppression and neglect of female sexuality and desire. Here, in her typical style, Chughtai raises important questions on marriage as an economic and social enterprise, the socially constructed subordinate role of women in marriage, her sexual fantasies and frustrations and her subsequent sense of loneliness.
The fact that Nawab “installed her (Begum Jan) in the house along with furniture”, highlights how the institution of marriage commodifies women and reduces them to the object of a mere business transaction. Chughtai critiques the mercenary aspect of marriage that dehumanizes women to fulfill societal obligations and aspirations of upward mobility. Begum Jan was married off to the Nawab by her family, in spite of their age difference, so as to rid themselves of the financial burden and the social taboo of having an unmarried woman in the house. Moreover, since Begum Jan’s family was poor, in her marriage to a rich and influential Nawab, they saw an opportunity to gain economic favour.The status accorded to marriage as an unbreakable social norm, an unquestionable obligation, is also dealt with in the short story. It was and has been till today one of the most important and absolutely essential tenets of the society. Even the Nawab, irrespective of his immense power and formidable position, had to marry, although the opposite sex held no appeal for him owing to his “mysterious hobby”. In the process, poor Begum became a victim to the repressive customs ingrained in the institution of marriage. While the Nawab continued his homosexual exploits, the Begum was condemned to a life of confinement and subjugation. He never displayed any interest in his wife’s life, her wishes, desires and problems and in fact, completely neglected and dismissed her presence in his life. Begum Jan was just his social stamp of approval, a heterosexual cover to escape ridicule and suspicion of society for his inborn homosexual orientation. Beyond that, the Nawab “totally forgot her presence”
In conclusion, it can be said that the redeeming feature of this story, however, lies in the fact that Chughtai does not leave Begum Jan in this state of complete desolation and immense depression, but allows her the agency to make a bold ‘choice’ of homosexuality in indulging with the maidservant Rabbu “who pulled her back from the brink”. Irrespective of whether the story in the end, endorses homosexual behaviour or not, the very fact that Begum Jan is allowed some sort of sexual autonomy in the midst of social confinement, subjugation, repression and social ridicule, leaves behind an emphatic message.

Pick out the correct statement from the following:

Begum Jan was free to choose her partner in marriage.

The Nawab expressed interest in his wife’s life.

Chughtai critiques the mercenary aspect of marriage.

Chughtai raises important questions on the evils of dowry system and bride burning.

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Question 9

Time: 00:00:00

Ismat Chughtai’s celebrated masterpiece “Lihaf” needs to be analyzed under the interwoven themes of marriage, subjugation of women and the oppression and neglect of female sexuality and desire. Here, in her typical style, Chughtai raises important questions on marriage as an economic and social enterprise, the socially constructed subordinate role of women in marriage, her sexual fantasies and frustrations and her subsequent sense of loneliness.
The fact that Nawab “installed her (Begum Jan) in the house along with furniture”, highlights how the institution of marriage commodifies women and reduces them to the object of a mere business transaction. Chughtai critiques the mercenary aspect of marriage that dehumanizes women to fulfill societal obligations and aspirations of upward mobility. Begum Jan was married off to the Nawab by her family, in spite of their age difference, so as to rid themselves of the financial burden and the social taboo of having an unmarried woman in the house. Moreover, since Begum Jan’s family was poor, in her marriage to a rich and influential Nawab, they saw an opportunity to gain economic favour.The status accorded to marriage as an unbreakable social norm, an unquestionable obligation, is also dealt with in the short story. It was and has been till today one of the most important and absolutely essential tenets of the society. Even the Nawab, irrespective of his immense power and formidable position, had to marry, although the opposite sex held no appeal for him owing to his “mysterious hobby”. In the process, poor Begum became a victim to the repressive customs ingrained in the institution of marriage. While the Nawab continued his homosexual exploits, the Begum was condemned to a life of confinement and subjugation. He never displayed any interest in his wife’s life, her wishes, desires and problems and in fact, completely neglected and dismissed her presence in his life. Begum Jan was just his social stamp of approval, a heterosexual cover to escape ridicule and suspicion of society for his inborn homosexual orientation. Beyond that, the Nawab “totally forgot her presence”
In conclusion, it can be said that the redeeming feature of this story, however, lies in the fact that Chughtai does not leave Begum Jan in this state of complete desolation and immense depression, but allows her the agency to make a bold ‘choice’ of homosexuality in indulging with the maidservant Rabbu “who pulled her back from the brink”. Irrespective of whether the story in the end, endorses homosexual behaviour or not, the very fact that Begum Jan is allowed some sort of sexual autonomy in the midst of social confinement, subjugation, repression and social ridicule, leaves behind an emphatic message.

Which one of the following is the synonym of the word ‘desolation’ as used in the context of the passage?

Loneliness

Creation

Cheer

Pursuit

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Question 10

Time: 00:00:00

Ismat Chughtai’s celebrated masterpiece “Lihaf” needs to be analyzed under the interwoven themes of marriage, subjugation of women and the oppression and neglect of female sexuality and desire. Here, in her typical style, Chughtai raises important questions on marriage as an economic and social enterprise, the socially constructed subordinate role of women in marriage, her sexual fantasies and frustrations and her subsequent sense of loneliness.
The fact that Nawab “installed her (Begum Jan) in the house along with furniture”, highlights how the institution of marriage commodifies women and reduces them to the object of a mere business transaction. Chughtai critiques the mercenary aspect of marriage that dehumanizes women to fulfill societal obligations and aspirations of upward mobility. Begum Jan was married off to the Nawab by her family, in spite of their age difference, so as to rid themselves of the financial burden and the social taboo of having an unmarried woman in the house. Moreover, since Begum Jan’s family was poor, in her marriage to a rich and influential Nawab, they saw an opportunity to gain economic favour.The status accorded to marriage as an unbreakable social norm, an unquestionable obligation, is also dealt with in the short story. It was and has been till today one of the most important and absolutely essential tenets of the society. Even the Nawab, irrespective of his immense power and formidable position, had to marry, although the opposite sex held no appeal for him owing to his “mysterious hobby”. In the process, poor Begum became a victim to the repressive customs ingrained in the institution of marriage. While the Nawab continued his homosexual exploits, the Begum was condemned to a life of confinement and subjugation. He never displayed any interest in his wife’s life, her wishes, desires and problems and in fact, completely neglected and dismissed her presence in his life. Begum Jan was just his social stamp of approval, a heterosexual cover to escape ridicule and suspicion of society for his inborn homosexual orientation. Beyond that, the Nawab “totally forgot her presence”
In conclusion, it can be said that the redeeming feature of this story, however, lies in the fact that Chughtai does not leave Begum Jan in this state of complete desolation and immense depression, but allows her the agency to make a bold ‘choice’ of homosexuality in indulging with the maidservant Rabbu “who pulled her back from the brink”. Irrespective of whether the story in the end, endorses homosexual behaviour or not, the very fact that Begum Jan is allowed some sort of sexual autonomy in the midst of social confinement, subjugation, repression and social ridicule, leaves behind an emphatic message.

Which one of the following is the antonym of the word ‘mercenary’ as used in the context of the passage?

Highlighted

Lucid

Altruistic

Refined

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